In This New Political Era, Spain's Socialists Must Stand Up To Rajoy's Popular Party

Maybe it's time for a highly-regarded independent figure to take the necessary steps to try to stop the Popular Party from governing in Spain, and put an end to the corruption and inequality.
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BARCELONA, SPAIN - DECEMBER 21: Podemos (We Can) supporters reacts as their leader Pablo Iglesias delivers a speach on Spain General Elections' results on December 21, 2015 in Madrid, Spain. Spaniards went to the polls today to vote for 350 members of the parliament and 208 senators. For the first time since 1982, the two traditional Spanish political parties, right-wing Partido Popular (People's Party) and centre-left wing Partido Socialista Obrero Espanol PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party), held a tight election race with two new contenders, Ciudadanos (Citizens) and Podemos (We Can) attracting right-leaning and left-leaning voters respectively. (Photo by David Ramos/Getty Images)
BARCELONA, SPAIN - DECEMBER 21: Podemos (We Can) supporters reacts as their leader Pablo Iglesias delivers a speach on Spain General Elections' results on December 21, 2015 in Madrid, Spain. Spaniards went to the polls today to vote for 350 members of the parliament and 208 senators. For the first time since 1982, the two traditional Spanish political parties, right-wing Partido Popular (People's Party) and centre-left wing Partido Socialista Obrero Espanol PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party), held a tight election race with two new contenders, Ciudadanos (Citizens) and Podemos (We Can) attracting right-leaning and left-leaning voters respectively. (Photo by David Ramos/Getty Images)

The December 20 elections were yet another step in the Spanish political transition; they put an end to the current system and ushered in a new political era. As a result of Rajoy's wicked legislature, which has been marked by corruption and an increase in inequality, the Popular Party (PP) has lost four million votes, and obtained its worst electoral results since 1989.

The willingness of Ciudadanos to hand over political power to the PP, after its electoral wound, only confirms that in the end, we are witnessing the same old wine in new bottles. What is unprecedented is the PSOE's abdication of its responsibilities and the paralysis of its secretary general. Where is Pedro Sanchez? How is it possible that we have not yet spoken? Is he not going to propose the possibility of an alternative to Rajoy's government?

"Maybe it's time for a highly-regarded independent figure to take the necessary steps to try to stop the Popular Party from governing in Spain."

Enrico Berlinguer would say that the geopolitics of the old parties is made up of names and places. On the morning of December 21, the geopolitical power of PSOE's power started to operate, and it was chaotic and contradictory. The names (Felipe Gonzalez, Susana Diaz, Emiliano Garcia-Page, Guillermo Fernandez-Vara...) and places (Brussels, Ferraz, San Telmo...) started a dance that dwarfed a secretary general who seemed more concerned with asserting his place as a candidate for reelection in his party in January than as a candidate for prime minister.

Within a few hours, Susana Diaz indicated that the PSOE congress would do better in April. The PSOE barons intervened on television, putting an end to the possibility that Sanchez would engage in dialogue with anyone who did not belong to the PP or Ciudadanos. This way, PSOE has to accept that the PP would stay in power, or face the uncertain search for a new candidate who could improve Sanchez's electoral results (the PSOE's worst in the history of our democracy) in the future.

Meanwhile, the geopolitics of the places of power was also set in motion; as the newspaper El País pointed out in an editorial published on July 29, 2012 editorial, it's a fact that the representatives of the oligarchical powers pressure Sanchez to make a deal with the PP.

Our more than five million votes, our victories in Catalonia and Euskadi, our second-place results in Madrid, the Valencian Community, the Canary Islands, the Balearic Islands, Navarre and Galicia are historic, but they are not enough to inform the head of state of my availability to be president of the government. However, these votes are a mandate to propose to all the political forces opposed to letting the PP continue to rule the country to move forward with the transition, while facing the forces of inertia.

"We will not allow, actively or passively, the PP (with or without Rajoy) to continue to govern Spain."

Constitutionally safeguarding social rights, repealing Article 135, making labor reforms, ending the budget cuts, embracing democracy as a more effective way of resolving the territorial crisis, facilitating diversity and unity, changing the electoral system, closing the revolving doors, and ensuring judicial independence: these are not red lines for negotiations, but the minimum foundation for a historic commitment to the new stage that we are about to embark on.

If they don't allow Pedro Sanchez try to be prime minister, maybe it's time for a highly-regarded independent figure to take the necessary steps to try to stop the Popular Party from governing in Spain, and put an end to the corruption and inequality.

We will not allow, actively or passively, the PP (with or without Rajoy) to continue to govern Spain, and it would be a democratic mistake for the PSOE (with or without Sanchez) to allow it-- or act based on its internal geopolitics of places and names.

Considering the attempts at restoration and the internal power struggles in the old machinery, the advancement of the state and the commitment to social justice and to fight corruption will guide our actions, so that Spain and its people can move forward.

This piece was originally published on HuffPost Spain and was translated into English.

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