The defeat of the Islamic State (Daesh) in Mosul is imminent and this immediately creates both dangers and opportunity for Iraqi society.
For the first time in three years, Mislawis (Mosul natives) will be able to fast and observe their rituals during Ramadan - the holiest month of fasting in Islam - in the way they want without the fear of decapitation and execution by a mad fringe group that had held their city hostage.
But as they celebrate the holy month and reunite with family members once separated between the east and west banks of the city, many will be wondering about the future.
Mosul is an ancient multi-ethnic, multi-religious city which is home to Arabs, Kurds, Turkmen, and Yazidis among others.
Its residents are Shia and Sunni Muslim, Mandean and Christian of different denomination.
But for the past three years, all religions and sects were persecuted, targeted and hunted as Daesh sought to establish a fringe caliphate. They almost succeeded.
How did a such a violent and repressive terrorist group come to occupy nearly 40 percent of Iraq and impose its merciless rule on millions of people?
There are many lessons to be learned from immediate recent history.
As the Iraqi government begins to secure Mosul - and Nineveh province - and begins to provide services to Mislawis, it must work with local communities and authorities in a way that does not preclude but includes all factions in the city.
Here's why:
Nineveh Province once offered a strategic foothold for Daesh: It provided easy access to Syria and Turkey; it is predominantly Sunni, and Arab-Kurdish tensions could be exploited.
The Iraqi government must, therefore, be inclusive in its social, economic and political rebuilding of Mosul. In previous years, successive Iraqi leaders have resisted calls for national reconciliation but now the need for such an initiative has never been more critical - if for Mosul, at least.
The Iraqi government must also ensure that its national pre-dominantly Shia army learn from its mistakes in previous governance of the city.
Some Mislawis initially welcomed Daesh when they conquered Mosul because of the Iraqi army's heavy-handed treatment of the local Sunnis.
The Iraqi army and security forces which liberated Mosul in the past nine months have for the most part won the hearts and minds of the locals, now feeling a new sense of freedom.
Viral videos disseminated by Mislawis themselves laud the Iraqi forces who under fire went from house to house to liberate civilians from the murderous clutches of Daesh.
There is good will in Mosul now and a revitalized spirit to work with Baghdad to rebuild the much battered city.
The Iraqi government must not squander this political capital gained by the sacrifice of its army and focus on correcting the wrongs of the past.
Past errors
Consider that the last Iraqi elections were held less than two months before Daesh stormed Mosul.
Those elections were riddled with irregularities, sectarian rather than national priorities, and broken promises.
In the build up to the loss of Mosul three years ago, former Prime Minister Nuri Al Maliki appropriated control of ministries based on sectarian affiliations and political loyalties, leaving those who voted largely disillusioned.
The Iraqi army remains largely sectarian, and Sunni militias, which were credited by US commanders as having played a pivotal role in stabilizing the country - particularly in what was once called the Sunni triangle - in 2007, were harassed and barred from joining national security forces.
Maliki essentially ruled Iraq with an iron fist, wielding significant influence on the judiciary, the Supreme Court, the electoral commission, military and paramilitary forces.
On the eve of Mosul's fall, Sunnis accused Maliki of betrayal.
The government of Prime Minister Haider Al Abadi must now ensure that post-Daesh Iraq is very different from the fragmented Iraq which existed in 2014.
The politicians in Baghdad must now turn to inclusive politics through the fair distribution of wealth and power.
They can no longer afford to allow an entity such as Daesh to nearly succeed in the deconstruction of the state's foundations, its ability to govern effectively and its ability to protect its citizenry and sovereignty.
The Iraqi parliament must reverse the decisions of 2003's Iraqi Governing Council, which appropriated power-sharing based on sectarian, religious and ethnic quotas, and focus on bringing all parties together to rebuild Iraq’s north.
To do this, Baghdad must defly maneuver around the possible minefield when the Kurds exert a greater political and military role in Nineveh province.In the past few years, and during the Islamic State campaign of conquest, it was the peshmerga (Kurdish fighters) who provided security against former Al-Qaeda groups .When the Iraqi army took over the security portfolio, however, matters quickly changed.
Arab Sunnis in Mosul trusted the army less than they trusted the Kurds, with whom they have always walked a delicate tightrope of diplomacy and mutual benefit.
But the Kurds have also made it known that Mosul could - would - become part of a future independent state. Years ago, powerful Arab tribes threatened an all-out war if Mosul became part of a "Greater Kurdistan".
Reconciliation and Democracy
However, much has changed since then. Many of the influential tribal elders - and their kin - have been targeted by ISIL for "collaborating" with Baghdad. They could see the Kurds as the last, best chance for some semblance of stability in Nineveh.In return, the Kurds must put aside their territorial aspirations and understand that the future of Mosul will determine the future stability of their autonomous regions in northern Iraq.This will all depend on how much the government in Baghdad is willing to work with the Kurdistan Regional Government, in particular when it comes to distribution of oil contracts and dividends. The victory over Daesh and the liberation of Mosul muslt also not be measured by the numbers of dead terrorists but by the tangible socio-political changes the Iraqi government can put into play using Nineveh as a role model for the rest of the country.
If social and political inclusivity and reconciliation, with equitable economic distribution, do not replace territorial and sectarian disputes, northern Iraq will soon again plunge into even more bloodshed.