Republicans Defending Medicare: Duplicity Beyond Belief

Republicans have fought against Medicare from the very beginning. But in their strategy to kill health care reform, they are all of a sudden sounding like defenders of Medicare against the evils of big government.
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Medicare has long been a flashpoint generating intense disagreement across party lines over the role of private markets versus that of government.

Republicans have fought against Medicare from the very beginning. They bitterly opposed it in various committees in both houses of Congress in 1964 -1965. But they relented, at least for a while, in the face of strong public support for the program, and it passed with bipartisan support.

Almost overnight, tens of millions of American seniors gained access to affordable health care. Medicare was also a boon to the medical profession, hospitals, and the insurance industry, since Blue Cross became the main fiscal intermediary between government, physicians and hospitals.

But that honeymoon was not to last. Republicans have been trying to rein in "entitlement programs" and chip away at Medicare since the start of the Reagan years in 1980. As Speaker of the House in 1994, with a new Republican majority in Congress, Newt Gingrich introduced a bill to privatize and convert Medicare to a smaller program with defined contributions instead of one for all seniors with benefits defined by law. His statement at the time clarified the conservative agenda: (This kind of 'reform' might result in "solving the Medicare problem" and lead it to "wither on the vine." Later pronouncements have followed along the same line, as illustrated by Grover Norquist's desire to "shrink the government down to the size that it could be drowned in a bathtub."

With the Balanced Budget Act of 1997, the conservatives' goal to privatize Medicare was advanced with the new Medicare + Choice (M + C) program. These private plans, mostly HMOs and PPOs, were promoted as offering more choice and value than traditional Medicare. But their subsequent track record belied those claims. Instead, these programs proved themselves unstable in the marketplace, seeking out favorable markets, leaving others when profits were not sufficient, cherry picking the market by avoiding sicker enrollees, and costing the government an average of 13 percent more per enrollee than in traditional Medicare. About one-third of Medicare beneficiaries enrolled in M + C plans between 1999 and 2002 were dropped when their plans abandoned the market, often forcing patients to change physicians and return to regular Medicare.

As M + C programs became discredited, Republicans renewed their attack on Medicare with the passage in 2003 of the Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement and Modernization Act (MMA), another bonanza for the insurance and drug industries. The MMA established private Medicare Advantage plans (MA) as successors to M + C plans and turned over the drug benefit to the private sector, even prohibiting the government from negotiating drug prices as the Veterans Administration does so effectively. As expected, MA plans have many of the same problems as M + C plans. They are still subsidized by government overpayments averaging 14 percent more than Medicare, while providing less efficiency, choice, value and reliability than traditional Medicare.

Today, as health care reform proposals take shape amid a highly polarized debate in Congress and across the country, conservatives (including Republicans, Blue Dog Democrats and some Independents) have mobilized once again to expand private markets for the insurance industry and other corporate stakeholders in the medical industrial complex. While overlooking their role in fueling health care inflation in both private and public programs, conservatives are intent on handing the party in power a defeat over health care reform, but at the same time maneuvering to expand future health care markets.

In their strategy to kill ObamaCare (whatever that may turn out to be), they are all of a sudden sounding like defenders of Medicare beneficiaries against the presumed evils of big government. Consider these examples of their new-found protector role of seniors:

• Senator Mike Enzi (R-WY) and member of the Gang of Six charting policy in the Senate Finance Committee, warns that "Democrats are cutting hundreds of billions from the elderly and planning to limit or deny care based on age or disability of patients."

• House Minority Leader John Boehner (R-OH) claims that projected reductions in the growth of Medicare spending means "fewer choices and lower health care quality for our nation's seniors."

• In order to "assure that our greatest generation will receive access to quality health care", Michael Steele, chairman of the Republican National Committee, recently proposed a 'Seniors' Health Care Bill of Rights' with these provisions:

"(1) We need to protect Medicare and not cut it in the name of 'health insurance reform';
(2) We need to prohibit the government from getting between seniors and their doctors;
(3) We need to outlaw any effort to ration health care based on age;
(4) We need to prevent government from dictating the terms of end-of-life care; and (5) We need to protect our veterans by preserving Tricare and other benefit programs for military families."

The cynicism of these statements almost defies belief, given the long Republican track record of trying to undermine Medicare at every turn. These would-be defenders of Medicare pretend to be protecting seniors from an uncaring government, while raising such scare words as rationing and loss of choice, coverage and benefits. Their real goal is to advance their narrow agenda of undermining public programs by privatizing them to their best advantage.

The Republican machine, based on long experience, is expert at scare tactics. One of many examples is the threat of "death panels", raised by former vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin and others in reaction to a provision (Section 1233) in the House bill (H.R. 3200) which would provide funding for voluntary end-of-life counseling by physicians on such matters as living wills. Ironically, this provision was suggested by Johnny Isakson, Republican pro-life senator from Georgia, who has been advocating such counseling for years. But as the Medicare Rights Center, AARP and many experts have confirmed, none of these scare claims have any substance in fact.

So what we are seeing is blatant distortion, disinformation and deception by conservative forces bent on defeating any health care reform advanced by the party in power. Fanning concerns and worries among seniors is intended to weaken seniors' support for reform and perpetuate the hold of private markets on the system. Meanwhile, of course, Republicans keep trying to exploit private Medicare markets to their own advantage as long as the program is alive.

Adapted in part from Shredding the Social Contract: The Privatization of Medicare, 2006, with permission of the publisher Common Courage Press.

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