The untimely death of Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia has predictably created a political firestorm over who gets to appoint the next U.S. Supreme Court justice, when, how, and where any judicial nominee will stand on the hot-button political issues of our day (same-sex marriage, Obamacare, immigration, the environment, and abortion).
This is yet another spectacle, not unlike the carnival-like antics of the presidential candidates, to create division, dissension and discord and distract the populace from the nation's steady march towards totalitarianism.
Not to worry. This is a done deal. There are no surprises awaiting us.
The powers-that-be have already rigged the system.
They--the corporations, the military industrial complex, the surveillance state, the monied elite, etc.--will not allow anyone to be appointed to the Supreme Court who will dial back the police state. They will not tolerate anyone who will undermine their policies, threaten their profit margins, or overturn their apple cart.
Scalia's replacement will be safe (i.e., palatable enough to withstand Congress' partisan wrangling), reliable and most important of all, an extension of the American police state.
With the old order dying off or advancing into old age rapidly, we've arrived at a pivotal point in the makeup of the Supreme Court. With every vacant seat on the Court and in key judgeships around the country, we are witnessing a transformation of the courts into pallid, legalistic bureaucracies governed by a new breed of judges who have been careful to refrain from saying, doing or writing anything that might compromise their future ambitions.
Today, the judges most likely to get appointed today are well-heeled, well-educated (all of them attended either Yale or Harvard law schools) blank slates who have traveled a well-worn path from an elite law school to a prestigious judicial clerkship and then a pivotal federal judgeship.
In other words, it really doesn't matter whether a Republican or Democratic president appoints the next Supreme Court justice, because they will all look alike (in terms of their educational and professional background) and sound alike (they are primarily advocates for the government).
Given the turbulence of our age, with its police overreach, military training drills on American soil, domestic surveillance, SWAT team raids, asset forfeiture, wrongful convictions, and corporate corruption, the need for a guardian of the people's rights has never been greater.
Unfortunately, as I document in Battlefield America: The War on the American People, what we have been saddled with instead are government courts dominated by technicians and statists who march in lockstep with the American police state.
This is true at all levels of the judiciary.
Thus, while what the nation needs is a constitutionalist, what we will get is a technician.
It's an important distinction.
A legal constitutionalist believes that the authority of government derives from and is limited by a body of fundamental law (the Constitution) and strives to hold the government accountable to abiding by the Constitution. A judge of this order will uphold the rights of the citizenry in the face of government abuses.
A legal technician, on the other hand, is an arbitrator of the government's plethora of laws whose priority is maintaining order and preserving government power. As such, these judicial technicians are deferential to authority, whether government or business, and focused on reconciling the massive number of laws handed down by the government.
John Roberts who joined the Supreme Court in 2005 as Chief Justice is a prime example of a legal technician. His view that the "role of the judge is limited...to decide the cases before them" speaks to a mindset that places the judge in the position of a referee.
Roberts' approach to matters of law and justice can best be understood by a case dating back to his years on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. The case involved a 12-year-old black girl who was handcuffed, searched and arrested by police--all for eating a single French fry in violation of a ban on food in the D.C. metro station. Despite Roberts' ability to recognize the harshness of the treatment meted out to Ansche Hedgepeth for such a minor violation, he ruled that the girl's constitutional rights had not been violated in any way.
This is not justice meted out by a constitutionalist.
This is how a technician rules, according to the inflexible letter of the law.
Circuit Judge Sri Srinivasan of the DC Court of Appeals, who is rumored to be a favorite pick for Scalia's spot on the court, is another such technician. When asked to strike down a 60-year-old ban on expressive activities in front of the Supreme Court Plaza, Srinivasan turned a blind eye to the First Amendment.
Srinivasan's rationale? "Allowing demonstrations directed at the Court, on the Court's own front terrace, would tend to yield the opposite impression: that of a Court engaged with -- and potentially vulnerable to -- outside entreaties by the public."
This view of the Supreme Court as an entity that must be sheltered from select outside influences--for example, the views of the citizenry--is shared by the members of the Court itself to a certain extent who, as Lithwick points out, have become "worryingly cloistered, even for a famously cloistered institution... today's justices filter out anything that might challenge their perspectives."
Are you getting the picture yet?
The members of the Supreme Court are part of a ruling aristocracy composed of men and women who primarily come from privileged backgrounds and who have a vested interest in maintaining the status quo.
When you're cocooned within the rarefied, elitist circles in which most of the judiciary operate, it can be difficult to see the humanity behind the facts of a case, let alone identify with the terror and uncertainty that most people feel when heavily armed government agents invade their homes, or subject them to a virtual strip search, or taser them into submission.
Now do you understand why the Supreme Court's decisions in recent years have been characterized most often by an abject deference to government authority, military and corporate interests?
They no longer work for us. They no longer represent us. They can no longer relate to our suffering.
In the same way that the Legislative Branch, having been co-opted by lobbyists, special interests, and the corporate elite, has ceased to function as a vital check on abuses by the other two branches of government, the Judicial Branch has also become part of the same self-serving bureaucracy.
Sound judgment, compassion and justice have taken a back seat to legalism, statism and elitism.
Preserving the rights of the people has been deprioritized and made to play second fiddle to both governmental and corporate interests.
In the case of the People vs. the Police State, the ruling is 9-0 against us.
So where does that leave us?
The Supreme Court of old is gone, if not for good then at least for now.
We can no longer depend on the federal courts to protect us against the government. They are the government.
Yet as is the case with most things, the solution is far simpler and at the same time more complicated than space allows, but it starts with local action--local change--and local justice. If you want a revolution, start small, in your own backyard, and the impact will trickle up.
If you don't like the way justice is being meted out in America, then start demanding justice in your own hometown, before your local judges. Serve on juries, nullify laws that are egregious, picket in front of the courthouse, vote out judges (and prosecutors) who aren't practicing what the Constitution preaches, encourage your local newspapers to report on cases happening in your town, educate yourself about your rights, and make sure your local judges understand that they work for you and are not to be extensions of the police, prosecutors and politicians.
This is the only way we will ever have any hope of pushing back against the police state.