Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is the latest political figure to be slapped with corruption allegations, raising questions about how deep the rot goes in a political system that has increasingly failed to deliver on tackling graft, improving inequality and caring for Indonesians at the bottom of the social hierarchy.
The accusations, part of a swath of US diplomatic cables published Friday by Australian newspaper The Age, which obtained them exclusively from Wikileaks, are ambiguous about Yudhoyono's involvement in corruption. But they do say he paid off judges not to press charges against political allies and hired intelligence forces to spy on his opponents.
Yudhoyono kept enough distance so that he could not be implicated, according to a cable from June 2006. But his wife and former vice president, Jusuf Kalla, were fingered for a host of corrupt actions. Kalla, for instance, paid "huge bribes" to win the chairmanship of Golkar, Indonesia's largest political party, and the First Lady allegedly sought to use her political connections to extend the family's reach into state-owned businesses.
The leaked cables reveal a sordid tale of political give and take that hinges on bribery and intimidation. They also show a twisted web of networks and connections that tie Yudhoyono to nefarious businessmen, including the member of a gambling syndicate who alleged funneled funds to Yudhoyono's presidential campaign.
A quote from a cable published in The Age attempts to describe why Yudhoyono has slowed reforms since first being elected in 2004.
"Unwilling to risk alienating segments of the parliament, media, bureaucracy and civil society, ... he is also unwilling to cross any constituencies ... Until he is satisfied that he has shored up his political position, Yudhoyono is unlikely to spend any political capital to move his reform agenda, or controversial aspects of US -Indonesia relations, forward."
What is contained in the cables is not surprising, nor are the accusations revelatory. They are only unique in implicating the president, who the US has supported for being clean and reform-minded. During a state visit last November, US President Barack Obama called Yudhoyono "my good friend" and a strong supporter of democracy.
What is perhaps more noteworthy is that US diplomats have suspected graft, intimidation and abuses of power within the executive and have continued to offer accolades to the current government. Often that support has taken the form of funding or security cooperation. Just before Obama's visit, US Defense Secretary Robert Gates announced that the United States would resume ties with Indonesian Special Forces after a 12-year hiatus.
That hiatus was sparked by allegations that the force, known as Kopassus, had committed gross human rights abuses in East Timor and Aceh, where separatists were battling for autonomy. Human rights groups criticized the resumption of funds and training to the force since no one senior military figures have been accused of sanctioning those abuses.
In any country making a rapid transition to democracy, as Indonesia has done in the 13 years since a people power movement forced former strongman Suharto out of office, remnants of the past will surely remain.
During his 32 years in power, Suharto created a system that was difficult to un-entrench, meaning that even without him at the helm the only people able to step up and take over were military figures or his cronies.
Those who led the movement to oust Suharto now say one of their biggest mistakes was turning their backs once the revolution was over and staying out of politics.
Despite being a former general, Yudhoyono was thought to be a politician of a different sort. He campaigned on a platform to tackle corruption and streamline the country's bureaucracy. He proved remarkable unable to do so during his first term, but what's puzzling now is why Yudhoyono has become a lame duck since his landslide election victory in 2009. (A two-term limit prevents him from being re-elected in 2014)
Some analysts say he wants to protect his legacy, which may explain why his wife sought to use the family's position to secure businesses contracts. Others say he has something more to hide. Arguments that he's hoping to appeal to Islamists in government make little sense, since religious parties win few voters.
What is clear is that the release of the cables will further tie up a president already hamstrung by political battles within the governing coalition. Yudhoyono will likely spend the next few weeks battling to restore his credibility, further removing him from taking a stand on increasing sectarian violence or pushing new budget allocations toward health care and education.
Little weight should be given to the actual content of the Wikileaked cables. But what should be of concern to observers is that for a country that relies so heavily on the power of a strong central leader, Indonesia is showing worrying signs of a retreat from democracy.