Just as the internet has connected people beyond borders, weaponized information is reshaping war, espionage and propaganda globally.
Like air power before it, the cyberwar fantasies of today are likely to become realities in the future.
More than a week of cacophonous media and political gabble after the shocking Isis attacks on Paris make it clear that US presidential campaigns are no place to look for answers on this shocking and complex episode of new world chaos.
Hacker group Anonymous has joined the fight against the Islamic State terrorist group once again following last week’s attacks in Paris.
Many Western observers fear that cyber reform based on the principle of internet sovereignty might legitimize authoritarian control and undermine the cosmopolitan promise of the multistakeholder system. China, however, benefits too much from the current system to pose a credible alternative.
If the first 15 years of the 21st century were defined by the so-called Axis of Evil -- the phrase George W. Bush applied to Iraq, Iran, and North Korea for their support of terrorists -- the next 15 years will likely be defined by the Access of Evil, as state and non-state cyberterrorists use technology to bypass our defenses in ways that damage businesses, lives, and nations.
We have the social network built, tested and it is jam packed with anti-bullying technology and new uses of anti-cyber war technology and processes to eliminate fake accounts and protect kids online.
What is important is that these hacks presage what is going to happen for years to come and at far greater cost than what is being imposed on Sony. The weaponization of code is the most significant development in warfare since the weaponization of fissile material.
While the China-US working group on cyber security has been suspended following the US decision in May to indict five People's
This "perfect storm" of guns and cyber-stalking of women is an example of how Western culture, through both philosophy and Christian theology, works to normalize violence against women, and violence in the general culture.
Unlike the Cold War period -- in which the Soviet Union was isolated from the global economy -- commercial interests and trade secrets underpin the intrinsically entangled Sino-American economic relations. The higgledy-piggledy distinction between national security and corporate interests is hardly convincing to the Chinese, especially when the US revolving doors conveniently inhabit the space between government service and corporations during both Democratic and Republican administrations. Just like the Sino-American relations in commercial intercourse, economics triumphs over ideology in the partisan world of American politics. On China's side, its intertwined national and economic interests are enshrined in the peculiar institution of the State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs).