egyptian revolution

President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi has expanded a brutal, internationally-condemned crackdown on dissent and purported terror threats.
In the months after Hosni Mubarak stepped down as president it seemed as though some invisible force was trying to turn what had been a peaceful revolution into a deeply divided and violent one. There were riots, assassinations and acts of arson; all committed by unknown perpetrators.
On the night of January 28 - or "Angry Friday" as it became known - mobs of bullies began to circle the protesters gathered at Tahrir Square. On each side of the Square, small groups of 10 to 15 started charging at the demonstrators. It was a test; a way of assessing how those inside the Square would react.
It sometimes seems as though the older generations of Egyptians, those who have lived for decades under a dictator, have forgotten what freedom tastes like and failed to fight for it. But I will always remember that 11-year-old boy whose dream for the future was simply that he would be free. There are many more like him. And they will have their way.
In Turkey, on the other hand, the AKP is clearly on a course to consolidating its power and, under the Erdogan presidency
What we have today is a West that is retreating militarily and shrinking economically, yet one that still speaks as the lord and master in command of the fates of nations and continents.
I wanted to stretch my arms into the clouds and pull the moon closer; perhaps its light would expose the perpetrators, stopping them from committing the crime they were plotting.
On the fifth memoir of the revolution, young actor Ahmed Malek, and satirist and correspondent at an Egyptian local TV show, Shady Abu Zaid, hit the street with condom balloons as a sarcastic gratitude way to the police on the national holiday of Police Day in Egypt.
"Change is a process. We started the change but that does not mean that everything will get changed immediately. The only
Khaled Fahmy shares his memories of Egypt's uprising, five years after Tahrir.
I believe we're ready to be liberated. But for this to take place, for any change to take place at all, people have to see and admit the ugly situation that surrounds them first.
Sisi's state is franticly trying to suppress a movement it claims to have already suppressed. As Egypt's central security chief declared they "will not allow another revolution," the hashtag "the people demand the downfall of the regime" quietly became the top trending topic in the Arab Twittersphere.
A funereal atmosphere descended over western capitals with the announcement of Turkey's parliamentary elections' results, widely described in European and American media as a "shock" and a "black day for Turkey." The picture painted appeared very bleak, as a stream of reports, editorials and op-eds by opposition figures warned of a "return to autocracy and despotism" and declared the outcome as a threat to the "survival of democracy" in the country.
Egypt looks nothing like the promised heaven of stability and cohesiveness. Scores of Egyptians have been murdered by an ever more rampant police, sentenced to death in kangaroo courts, or jailed in the most inhumane conditions where torture is routine. Dissent is not tolerated, with the media and the press reduced to the role of state propagandists singing the General's praises and parroting his words.
Certainly, the U.S. can and should lead the way in promoting free speech across the world. But when it comes to promoting a free press and protecting the media in transitional states, perhaps the world would be better off following the lead of countries like Ghana.
"You never change things by fighting the existing reality," author and inventor Richard Buckminster Fuller famously said. "To change something, build a new model that makes the existing model obsolete."
This month's premier league final between Cairo's two storied clubs, Al Ahli SC and Al Zamalek SC, once the world's most violent derby, was more than a clash between two soccer giants.
Criticism this week by soccer player Ahmed al-Merghani of general-turned-president Abdel Fattah Al Sisi's hard-handed repression of dissent and failure to defeat a mushrooming insurgency in the Sinai peninsula signals mounting discontent in Egypt.