The conservative movement has used Trump’s scandals to advance a radical theory of power.
How do we enforce these high standards? As for rushed and poorly-thought-out legislation, perhaps we can begin a cure by
The change has to be to the system, not the person. In that sense, perhaps Trump will be the president we need, if not the one we wanted.
That world is anathema to McDougall, whose assault on the interventionist presidents of the United States in the twentieth
Today a friend challenged me on this point: Make a list of ten really, really bad things that President Trump could actually do.
There was a time when Philadelphians and the local media were writing the obituary for the National Constitution Center (NCC) in Philadelphia. The nadir might have been when the center, which is the only institution chartered by Congress to celebrate democracy's most important document, hosted a Princess Diana exhibit. With the hiring of George Washington University Law Professor Jeffrey Rosen as President and CEO, the once flagging institution has risen like a phoenix from the ashes.
Bush- and Obama-era expansions of executive power are coming home to roost.
Governors and Mayors across the country are issuing executive orders banning non-essential, government-funded travel to North Carolina. Governors are proclaiming it is in their states interests to promote equality and act out against discrimination. This may be true, however, they have no power to do so outside of their states.
A bunch of people seem to be saying that it doesn't matter for policy outcomes if Bernie Sanders or Hillary Clinton is elected President. The rough claim seems to be: Republicans are going to control the House anyway, if not the Senate, so a Democratic President won't be able to do anything anyway.
From a purely legal perspective, our present immigration policy is more favorable to Donald Trump's plan to mass deport immigrants than it is to President Obama's attempts to keep families together.