Contra today’s populist spirit, America’s architects delegated authority to the few who would step back from the popular passions of prejudice and narrow self-interest to “refine and enlarge the public views.”
MANILA, Philippines -- "The people never give up their liberties but under some delusion," Edmund Burke, the great 18th century conservative thinker, once warned. Today, a specter is hunting the democratic world -- the specter of autocratic nostalgia.
The challenge for democrats today, whether in Metro Manila or Washington D.C., is to end dysfunctional forms of decision-making that are giving a bad name to democracy -- the greatest gift of modernity.
As Benigno "NoyNoy" Aquino entered his final year in office, the question of how to assess his legacy has gained greater salience. Both his opponents and supporters have powerful arguments to present.
Soon, the Philippines will be engulfed by an election fever. And in promising emerging markets like the Philippines, electoral cycles are extremely crucial to shaping the short-to-medium term growth trajectory of the country.
Click here to see the full conversation. In this premiere episode of a new Chinese Youku series produced by Guancha.cn, Shanghai
Poles are happier than they've been in years. More than 80 percent report that they are "very happy" or "quite happy," and that number has risen steadily since 2000. But happiness in Poland seems to derive largely from private life. There's not a lot of volunteering, and even the rates of Church attendance have been going down.
The agreement between Iran and Russia came at a critical time as the West debates two key provisions: (a) what options the West has in case negotiations with Iran fail, and (b) whether the West will move forward with imposing additional sanctions on Russia.
Design changes in Ebola management protocols make it highly probable that the Ebola hazard in America will be successfully contained. In contrast, the hazard of wealth-concentration policies implemented by central banks is not under containment. This problem threatens the very fabric of democratic enterprise.
This moment demands a fresh interrogation of what theologian Reinhold Neibuhr euphemistically called "the highly contingent achievements of the west," and closer attention to the varied histories of the non-west. Instead, the most common response to the present crisis has been despair over western "weakness" -- and much acrimony over what Barack Obama, president of the "sole superpower" and the "indispensable nation" should have done to fix it.
History did not end in 1989, but for too many of the people who bought into Francis Fukuyama's influential "End of History?" article, what ended then was thinking. A failure to understand that successful countries of the West maintain a balance of power across the public, private, and plural sectors of society has been throwing the U.S. and many other countries out of balance ever since.