Regardless of who did it or why, there is only one loser.
On July 15, Turkey was no longer a democracy to be saved. True, it would even be worse if the military successfully took over the government. The failure of the military on July 15 was a welcoming development for Turkish civilian politics, a historic one. But it was far from saving the Turkish democracy, which did not exist on July 15 anyway.
The U.S. State Department has revealed that they have received the request.
“We will stuff them into holes,” a government minister said of the coup plotters. “They will not hear a human voice again."
The military shake-up could impact Turkey's ability to contain the Islamic State in Syria and a Kurdish insurgency at home, analysts say.
The president also extended the time that suspects can be detained from four to 30 days.
The target of Erdogan's purge -- the movement led by U.S.-based cleric Fethullah Gulen -- is not dangerous. It's one of the most moderate and socially constructive organizations in the Muslim world. In attacking it, Erdogan is planting the seeds for his own destruction.
ISTANBUL -- The only way to rouse Turkey's democracy from its slumber is to fight to re-enshrine the universal principles of the rule of law, freedom of the press and individual freedom -- however distant that goal may look now.
Should Turkey reinstate capital punishment and try coup plotters en masse, Turkey’s transition to authoritarianism will be complete.
Believers say he preaches a new, modern form of Islam. Critics charge he is a power-hungry wolf in sheep's clothing preparing to convert secular Turkey into an Islamic republic.
By ignoring all these legitimate reasons for Turkey's failure to win the Security Council seat, Foreign Minister Cavusoglu falsely attributed his country's defeat to its reluctance to abandon "its values for the sake of getting more votes."
Gulen has lived in self-imposed exile in Pennsylvania since 1999, when secularist authorities raised accusations of Islamist
As the Turkish experience shows, democracy is a messy process with a steep learning curve. It sometimes can seem like too much to ask of both governments and the governed to have patience to learn the difference between legitimate democratic opposition and rebellion; enforcement and oppression.