lula

The impeachment campaign -- which the government has correctly labelled a coup -- is an effort by Brazil's traditional elite to obtain by other means what they have not been able to win at the ballot box for the past 12 years.
The danger is that the post-Lula/Dilma government won't implement the reforms that are necessary. Judges may be able send politicians to jail and clean the political scene for a while, but they don't bring down the "golden curtain" that divides Brazil.
With her presidency at risk, Dilma Rousseff's decision to bring former President Lula da Silva back into the fold has further inflamed her critics.
Considered the "silver bullet," Lula is identified as the only one that can pacify the allied base. After all, Dilma and the PMDB (the main allied party) have been at a sort of cold war since before the 2014 electoral campaign.
This huge turnout, not only in the big cities but also in the countryside, in the North and Northeast, denotes the general climate of popular discontent.
If Lula fails to answer the questions circling him now, it will be extremely difficult for Brazil to believe that, as the former president had previously claimed, there is "not a more honest living soul in the country."
His detention, part of a sweeping investigation that has ensnared powerful lawmakers and business executives, tarnishes the legacy of Brazil's most powerful politician.
Brazil was heading into the semifinals of world development as an odds-on favorite. How did the country go from world-class performer to global embarrassment in what seems like the blink of an eye?
He fought austerity and lost, but still maintains a 60 percent approval rating
If Brazil is to make a dent in Africa, it needs to get ahead of the curve. Future economic and demographic projections indicate that African investment opportunities are changing. Foreign policy experts and investors should take note, and plan accordingly.
Despite leading in the polls, despite having the support of a much stronger party organization in 2014, despite running a much more disciplined and politically moderate campaign and despite the sympathy of Brazilians mourning Campos, Silva failed.
Apart from passionate support for their national sports teams, hatred of government corruption and "crony capitalism" is one of the few issues that unite all social groups in developing countries.
Benigno Aquino, who is suffering from declining popularity due to his perceived ineptitude during the Haiyan crisis, is already facing impeachment charges -- and opposition forces are exploiting this opening to extinguish his political capital.
The question now is whether Aquino -- although hailing from a privileged background, with little ideological bent, but similarly enjoying a great measure of popular support -- will go down in history as Philippines' version of Lula or Erdogan.
Leandro Weissmann pulled into the driveway of the Royal Tulip hotel one minute after 2:00 p.m. on Monday afternoon, and instantly apologized in a deep, gravelly voice for arriving late.
Former senator Marina Silva's unexpected decision to join the Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB) and position herself as running mate of governor Eduardo Campos of Pernambuco, president of the PSB, in next year's presidential race, has forced campaign strategists back to the drawing board.
I admire a great deal of what Chávez and his Bolivarian Revolution accomplished in Venezuela. It's precisely because of these positive accomplishments that Chávez's record on the Middle East and North Africa is so disconcerting.