mao zedong

Xi's ongoing expansion of his own authority is not a foundation for moral leadership.
Patrick Jory, The University of Queensland The first is China, following the death of Mao Zedong in 1976. The last decade
Something is profoundly wrong if spewing out insulting tweets can pave the way to the doorstep of the White House.
The Chinese politician's power is still checked by the norms of collective leadership.
How well the country navigates these rough waters will determine whether and when it fulfills its potential by combining the world's largest population, economy, and military.
It's always exciting to visit the PRC. But it is most interesting to learn about China, which is vastly larger, more complex, and humane than the nominal communist state which still rules. It's impossible to predict what China will ultimately become. Most important is that it becomes free, consigning today's authoritarian regime to history's dustbin. Then the people of China will be able to decide their own future.
It is worth remembering that, in his wisdom more than 200 years ago (when China was the world's largest economy), George
On this morning after Donald J. Trump made his first entrance into the Republican National Convention in a scene that made it look like he was descending to us from heaven, the thoughts of one who has recently been on a trip in China and its subjugated territory of Tibet turn to a consideration of the Trump phenomenon in the light of China's past and present.
Wei remembers clearly the first time she tried a mango. She was six years old, from Dalian in north-east China, and just as she bit into the fruit her parents told her that it was the deceased leader Chairman Mao.
Chinese "big-character posters," or dazibao, are handwritten posters mounted on walls and published in papers or pamphlets
It was never approved for construction in the first place.
China has come far. But it has even further to go. Where it ends up is likely to depend on whether the government comes to trust its people and becomes accountable to them. If not, the 21st Century is unlikely to end up as the Chinese Century.
I first met him at the Great Hall of the People in 1982. "Met" is the wrong word. Encountered is better. He was waiting for a visiting foreign dignitary. I was on the other side of a red rope with a gaggle of other reporters. But I could see that he was different from other Chinese leaders.
It is good to be back in the Chinese capital. For the first time in 37 years of visiting China, I attended a job fair here last week: a job fair for what the Chinese call "Waiguo Zhuanjia" -- "foreign experts."
In 1944, John Service, Colonel David Barrett, and a small group of diplomats and military staff went to Yenan to learn more about the Chinese Communists and the community they set up there.
The Shanghai Propaganda Poster Art Center should be on the "to see" list of anyone visiting the city. You'll be simultaneously fascinated and appalled by what the Chinese have gone through--and thankful that you have not!
U.S. policy toward the People's Republic of China is an important political issue. Trade, proliferation, human rights, cyberwar, security, and more are at stake in how the existing superpower and emerging great power get along in coming years.
In an era of American anxiety about what until recently was called "the Orient," his survey of the subject shows how our apprehensions endure, always underneath the surface of diplomacy and etiquette.
While there are American-style liberals in China, some intellectuals and others view freedom through a different, and they say Chinese, prism. Some reject U.S.-style democracy without exactly affirming CCP-led autocracy. Everyone wants to be heard, but they don't necessarily want everyone else, especially the rural masses, to be heard.