reunification

Reunification, for Koreans, has a mythic quality. Most Koreans dream of reunification, of a time in the future when the North and the South will join together to recreate the Korean whole that existed before division and Japanese colonialism. It's a lovely idea, but no one has a very good idea of how to achieve it.
Organized in the Pankow neighborhood of East Berlin in 1981, the Pankow Peace Group not only took bold positions on nuclear issues but interpreted peace more broadly to include pedagogy, economic development, and environmentalism.
When I met Jamie Walker in 1990, she was a specialist in mediation and conflict resolution. She worked in this capacity from her home in West Berlin, becoming involved in the peace movement, doing violence-prevention work in the school system, and eventually pioneering efforts in mediating cross-border family conflicts.
For more than half a millennium, this narrow alleyway in the heart of Seoul stretched for several kilometers. Today, only a tiny stretch of Pimatgol remains, along with a wooden gate that leads into a half-block of modern storefronts. The fate of Pimatgol reflects the forward-looking trajectory of South Korea.
Korean human rights activists send all sorts of things by balloon across the border into North Korea. Despite the volume of these deliveries, it's not clear whether much of the contraband makes it into the hands of the intended recipients. What is clear, however, is that the North Korean government is very unhappy about this activism.
The reality of the Korean peninsula is, of course, vastly more complicated than these either-or contrasts. Stop thinking of the peninsula as two completely distinct halves, with barbed wire running down the middle.
The citizens of Leipzig are very proud of the fact that the East Germany revolution of 1989 began in their city.
In the 1970s and 1980s, the West European peace and environmental movement reached out, tentatively at first and then more vigorously, to the dissident groups in Eastern Europe. Nowhere was this more evident than in West Germany. Eva Quistorp was a driving force behind the east-west dialogue.
"For the first time ever in Germany we have a debate about the relationship between the sexes and especially concerning the workplace, all those things that happen daily and people just say: 'Oh, don't take it seriously, it is not so bad after all.'"
As researchers patiently reconstruct the materials that Stasi employees tried to tear up before the archive passed out of their hands, the piles of files only grows higher. Tens of thousands of people each year go through the process of looking at their files. Marcel Rotter is one of those people.
Just as the seemingly impregnable Honecker regime rapidly disintegrated along with the Berlin Wall in November 1989, the Kim dynasty in North Korea has been expected to collapse at any minute. This minute, of course, has lasted for more than two decades.
Common sense suggests that young Germans are looking exclusively at the future, and the country has moved on from the debates over reunification and the fate of East Germany. But common sense is wrong.
In explaining the fall of Communism, most analysts talk about pressure from the inside (dissidents) coupled with pressure from the outside (Gorbachev, Reagan). But equally important were the inside-outsiders.
In the early days of dissent in East Germany, the state and the Stasi were dedicated to eradicating all signs of opposition. As Thomas Klein, a leading oppositionist from those days, explained to me, they didn't even know the size of their dissident circles until after 1989 when the Stasi files became available.
The two Koreas have faced off across the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) for six decades. The conflicts that keep the two Koreas culturally distinct have even filtered down to the realm of food.