Shah

While the Iranians rightly condemned Saudi Arabia, I find it quite ironic when they represent the murders as a "medieval act of savagery." It's as if the Saudi's, in executing Shiite clerics, held up a mirror to the Iranians in which they saw reflected back their own long-standing and brutal civil and human rights atrocities.
Beginning in January 1953, the U.S. and Britain agreed to work together toward Mosaddegh's removal. The plot, known as Operation Ajax, centered on convincing Iran's monarch to issue a decree to dismiss Mossadegh from office.
President Obama's condemnation of torture during a White House press conference last Friday was welcome news for longtime critics of the U.S.' policy of torturing detainees in the immediate post-9/11 years.
The whole Arab Spring movement has woken America up to the fact that we've been propping up some pretty brutal leaders for a long, long time. Which leads us to the uncomfortable position of not having a clear ideological position.
While Oman continues to use its leverage to thwart a military confrontation in the Arabian Gulf, officials in Muscat have accepted that their influence is naturally limited, and they have taken actions to prepare for a scenario in which the Strait of Hormuz is closed.
It is no secret that Iran is developing its nuclear capacity in a clandestine and deceptive manner. Yet ironically it is our reaction to Iranian intransigence that is more likely to lead to an Iranian bomb. And it's not for the reasons that many have cited.
In more than 50 years, America's leaders have never made a move in Iran (or near it) that didn't lead to unexpected and unpleasant blowback. Now, another administration in Washington is preparing yet another set of clever maneuvers.
America is a strong supporter of democracy worldwide. Except, of course, when we aren't. That piece of doublethink is the heart of the conundrum in which we now find ourselves in Egypt.
Like the Shah before him -- a man whose grave is in the heart of Cairo because he was refused burial in the nation of his birth -- Mubarak's speech indicated how out of touch he was with the reality of the people.
Many youths in Iran born after the 1979 revolution base their impression of Iran as a monarchy on what they have read or heard, and are therefore often sympathetic to Iran's era of monarchy.
Michele Alliot-Marie put her post-colonial foot in it when she proposed that France could offer its know-how to the Tunisian police. To be fair, she made her remarks before the revolution's paroxysm.
Prince Ali-Reza Pahlavi was no different than anyone else who feels the aftershocks of loss. Sadly, his family will now tread that well-traveled, all-too-familiar inner landscape of grief as well.
When the Pahlavi monarchy was approaching its final days in power in Iran, I was playing with Cabbage Patch dolls in Cupertino
The offshore oil drilling catastrophe in the Gulf of Mexico brought to us by BP has overshadowed its central role over the past century in fostering some other disastrous events.
ISTANBUL, Turkey -- As simmering unrest continues to sweep Iran, the country's opposition is casting about for possible endgames
With increasing accounts of rape, torture, forced confessions and skewed judicial proceedings, the Iranian government is losing any credibility it had left, including any legitimate claim to Islam.
With each death at the hands of the regime, a martyr is born, and with each martyr, the seed of revolution is planted.
Thanks to their new duties, which include increasingly violent and inhumane acts, reports of Basiji taking protesters up on their invitations to join the opposition movement are growing.
At the heart of Iran's Islamic Revolution was a stencil duplicator and a tape recorder. These were the Ayatollah Khomeini's Facebook and Twitter.
Today's protests are different. This is not about the West. It is about which revolutionary political camp will prevail in 2009 and a path that rejects the "secularism versus political Islam" dichotomy.