The 2012 Speculatron Weekly Roundup For Jan. 20, 2012

The 2012 Speculatron Weekly Roundup For Jan. 20, 2012
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This week, as the 2012 race for the GOP nomination swung into South Carolina for its "First in the South" primary, things seemed to come in pairs.

After long campaigns, two men -- Jon Huntsman and Rick Perry -- quit the race. There were two debates, each full of fireworks lobbed at noticeably amped-up crowds. At those debates, two veteran journalists -- Juan Williams and John King -- were emasculated by a vengeful Newt Gingrich. Gingrich was responding as one of the two candidates who spent the week in the hot seat: Mitt Romney for his dodgy responses to the demands that he disclose his tax records, Gingrich for new(ish) allegations lobbed at him by his ex-wife Marianne. (Which had to do with Newt's alleged desire to have an "open marriage"...with two ladies.)

And as Gingrich and former Massachusetts Gov. Romney contended with the issues of the week, it became clear that the result of the South Carolina primary might hang on which man handled his controversy the best. As Jonathan Chait explains in his "Tale Of Two (!) Evasions":

Thursday night’s debate was defined by two questions, by the two current leading contenders, each of whom was attempting to define an uncomfortable line of inquiry as off limits. Newt Gingrich crushed his answer. Mitt Romney flubbed his.

Predictably, Gingrich's first question concerned his second wife’s claim that he had asked her permission to openly conduct affairs, and Newt replied with a categorical denial combined with a scolding of the media for stooping to the gutter. It was probably a lie, almost certainly misleading, and without question flagrantly hypocritical. (You can make a decent case that we should ignore politicians’ private behavior, but this is a man who led the impeachment of a president over an affair.) But it worked perfectly, because Gingrich simply took a firm line and refused to waver, and attacked a the GOP's common enemy (the media).

It offered a sharp contrast with Romney’s key moment, later in the debate, when he wavered over the release of his taxes.

Romney was actually booed by the audience, as if he'd simply told them he was an out-and-proud gay soldier serving his country with honor in Afghanistan. And this was despite the fact that his answer on this occasion was actually substantially better than the lengthy helping of word soup he offered in Myrtle Beach.

Of course, Rick Santorum and Ron Paul were on that stage as well, and the irony was that they had to work harder to get attention because neither man had a controversy du jour that brought the spotlight in their direction. It mattered less for Paul, as his campaign hasn't been competing heavily in South Carolina. Instead, Paul spent four days this week away from the campaign trail -- in part because he returned to Washington to cast a symbolic vote, but largely because the stakes for him aren't as high at the moment. South Carolina doesn't figure in to his long-game, work-the-caucuses strategy, and when all is said and done, he's likely to pull an impressive enough portion of the primary vote, relative to someone who didn't put up much of an effort.

For Santorum, the stakes are significantly higher. This week, after a long recount process, he was able to claim victory in the Iowa caucuses. On top of that, an emergency confab of social conservatives ended up anointing Santorum as their champion. But would these newly won benefits be enough to propel Santorum into the winners circle in the Palmetto State -- or even goose his chances down the road? And would Santorum's subtle effectiveness shine as brightly as the sparks flying from Newt and Mitt's clashes with crisis?

In the end, South Carolina looks like it's coming down to one of two outcomes: Romney weathers his income tax storm, wins the primary, and continues on like a juggernaut, or Gingrich's raging passions win over the GOP tribe, sends him to victory and -- as Sarah Palin desired -- the race gets extended. Gingrich is suddenly he favorite to win the primary this weekend. But beyond South Carolina, there's evidence that come next week, there could be a whole new race -- according to Gallup Editor-in-chief Frank Newport, Romney's support nationwide is in a state of collapse.

Naturally, this would have to happen in the same week where one of your Speculatroners rather confidently made the case that Romney had reclaimed inevitability. It just goes to show that the moment you make a prediction is the moment you'd best be prepared to be wrong. Want to take a shot at predicting the future for us? By all means, have at it, and for the rest of the week that was, please feel free to enter the Speculatron for the week of January 20, 2012.

The 2012 Speculatron Weekly Roundup, January 20
Rick Santorum(01 of06)
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Rick Santorum should have expected to get a lift from some outside help and fortunate circumstances this week. He is now the official champion of the social conservative set -- who went on a retreat of sorts to hash out who would become their Not-Romney of choice, eventually settling on the former Pennsylvania senator. And in Iowa -- remember Iowa? -- the final determination from the vote counters was that Santorum had actually won the caucuses. That's a lot of good news! But Santorum wasn't able to capitalize on any of it, because the Iowa decision really came well too late to be of much use, and the social conservative support failed to move the needle in South Carolina.So, Santorum was largely left to his own devices to try to battle back and earn a good showing in the Palmetto State. It's perhaps fortunate, then, that this campaign season has proven that Santorum is rarely better than when he's going it alone.Santorum continued to aggressively attack his rivals without getting mired in the wrong sort of battle -- like Gingrich did with his anti-Bain effort. He hit Romney, saying that a vote for the former Massachusetts governor was tantamount to "malpractice," and underscored that with a brutal ad that depicted Romney as a figure far to the left of the GOP base. The tagline: "Why would we ever vote for someone who is just like Obama?" He went even further with Romney in the middle of the week, when he said Mitt was "somebody who is going to deliberately lie and stand behind those lies."And he continued to build the case that Romney and Gingrich had pasts that disqualified them from carrying the conservative mantle. Their support for health care policies that dovetailed closely with President Obama's Affordable Care Act was a particular source of dispute from Santorum.But it was at the debates that Santorum truly shone. There he managed to score points off Romney and Gingrich with deft displays of knowledge, debate strategy, and pure brio. At the Martin Luther King Day debate, Santorum became an unlikely voting rights activist when he elegantly baited a trap for Romney in retaliation for a super PAC ad that accused Santorum of allowing imprisoned felons to vote. Santorum corrected the record -- he believes criminals who served their time should have their voting privileges restored, and then caught Romney up with his own record as governor when he tried to dodge Santorum's question.At the second debate, Santorum succeeded again by bringing Newt's past -- as speaker, not as a spouse -- into the conversation, in a delicate deconstruction of Newt's own self-sustained mythology. It featured an accusation of cowardice, a mockery of his reputation as a "man of ideas," an added implication that Gingrich was perfectly willing to abide corruption as long as he benefitted from it, and -- as a particularly pointed twist of the knife -- an expression of worry that Newt wasn't of particularly disciplined mind. "These are not cogent thoughts," Santorum said, adding. "we can't afford that in our nominee."It really was the best case that Santorum could have made for himself. What matters now is if South Carolina voters, in considering who will be the non-Paul Not-Romney candidate of choice, voters remember his quiet determination and meticulous display of intellect, or if they get caught up in the wave of hype that Gingrich's big applause lines generated.
Ron Paul(02 of06)
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Ron Paul kept himself more or less out of the news cycle this week because he was not competing particularly hard in South Carolina. This of course, led many of his fans to gripe about how little attention he was getting in the lead-up to that state primary -- and last night, those gripes took on a life of their own when his fans at the CNN debate had to browbeat John King into allowing him to take a question. But when you are "notably disengaged" from the state in which the campaign is shaping up, that's what happens. Spokesman Jesse Benton is sanguine about it, telling Politico that the campaign's "focus was Iowa and New Hampshire, and then further downstream in Nevada, Maine, Washington, Colorado and other caucus states."What took Paul away from the action was a return to Washington, DC, to cast a largely symbolic vote against raising the debt ceiling. He returned to the Palmetto State mid-week, bringing with him the announcement of some new endorsements, and the release of a new ad that struck hard at Romney, Santorum, and Gingrich -- whoever gamed it out presciently reasoned that those three men would be the ones joining him on the debate stage Thursday night.Taking some time off from the media spotlight had some advantages. The New Republic, which has been on the leading edge of the criticism Paul has garnered for the the '90s-era newsletters that were infamously packed with racist, xenophobic conspiracy theories, released brand-new content from Paul's past as a pamphleteer, and once again, these were laced throughout with primo examples of paranoiac ramblings. But with Paul out of sight and out of mind through a big chunk of the week, he managed to avoid any more nettlesome confrontations with journalists over the matter.Paul did manage to make some news when he voiced support for nullification -- the idea that state governments should be extended the opportunity to "to nullify federal laws they don't like." Paul said, at a press conference, "I think [nullification] probably wouldn't be used that much, but our federal government would be much smaller than it is today had that principle been more clearly embedded in our Constitution." But as Travis Waldron and Scott Keyes contend, the framers very clearly embedded something altogether different -- the idea that laws passed by Congress "shall be the supreme law of the land...anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding."Of course, speculation on a possible third party run continues apace - despite the fact that the unlikelihood of such a run remains high and Paul continues to evince nothing but the unwillingness to do so. A Pew Research poll finds that "a third-party campaign by Ron Paul would clearly work to President Obama's advantage" as that "scenario" would play out like so: "Obama would receive 44%, Mitt Romney would get 32% and Paul would get 18%."In other news, Paul won the support of a brothel, as is his wont, so he's got that going for him.
Fred Karger(03 of06)
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Fred Karger based the bulk of his presidential effort in New Hampshire, and with that primary in the books, it's time to move on. But some things never change, and for Karger, that's the constant battle to get included on the debate stage. This week, he beseeched CNN and the Southern Republican Leadership Conference to allow him to participate:
The overwhelming majority of Republican primary debates have included eight candidates. The New Hampshire Primary has proved that I am currently one of the top eight candidates in the 2012 Republican presidential primary. I beat Michele Bachmann by 40%. Congresswoman Bachmann was in 12 national debates, raised $10 to $12 million, received massive news coverage, has huge name ID and we beat her in New Hampshire. I have scored 2% or 1% in more than a dozen national polls that have included me and have tied Newt Gingrich, Michele Bachmann, Jon Huntsman, Rick Perry and beat Rick Santorum in many of these. That is correct; I have tied all of my Republican presidential primary opponents in methodologically sound polls of primary voters except for Mitt Romney and Ron Paul. I am now only one of seven Republicans actively running for president who will appear on Michigan's GOP ballot in February, Puerto Rico's in March and Maryland's ballot in April and I will be competing in other state primaries and caucuses as well.[...]Eric Kleefeld of the Talking Points Memo reported that CNN breaks it's own rules to include Governor Rick Perry in the CNN - SLRC South Carolina Debate. CNN DC Bureau Chief Sam Feist explained that Rick Perry does qualify because a subset of a CBS poll that does not allow participants to choose "Someone Else" shows Perry at 7%. This is the same logic that Governor Gary Johnson used to prove he qualified for the CNN - WMUR - St. Anselm College Debate in June but that CNN rejected. By including Governor Perry, CNN has changed its "pre-established objective criteria" and thus is in violation of Federal Election Laws. Rick Perry and I received less than 1% of the vote in the First-in-the-Nation Primary, so why did CNN not include me in the South Carolina Debate as well?
Well, as you no doubt already know, that effort did not come to fruition. Nevertheless, he is determined to stick around. Per the Columbia Free Times:
"I'm not dropping out and endorsing Newt Gingrich or anybody," said Fred Karger in a phone interview with Free Times.The 61-year-old California native and gay activist, who worked for Ronald Reagan and on nine presidential campaigns as a staffer, beat Michele Bachmann by 135 votes in the New Hampshire primary where he'd heavily campaigned.The Minnesota congresswoman had already dropped out, but it still gave Karger some confidence."I'd argue that even dead candidates win elections sometimes," he laughed.
As the Free Times notes, Karger did some campaigning in South Carolina despite not being on the ballot. He will train the bulk of his future effort, however, in Michigan.
Gary Johnson(04 of06)
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Now that Gary Johnson has decamped from the Republican Party's primary pageant, and signed on as a potential nominee of the Libertarian Party, he's back at square one, making his case all over again. Craig Schlesinger of the Nashville Libertarian Examiner believes that the polling data suggests that Johnson's message may resonate:
The logical conclusion is that Gary Johnson's message is increasingly palatable to those fed up with the current political duopoly and its disingenuous stranglehold over the public policy discourse. As his national media exposure increases, so does his support. As Gov. Johnson told Alex Witt, "It's always been about the message. I wouldn't be doing this if I didn't think there was the opportunity to actually win."
And this week, Congress and the country became embroiled over an issue that was squarely in Johnson's wheelhouse -- the controversial Stop Online Piracy Act and the Protect IP Act. Billed as countermeasures to online piracy, the bills drew protest and outrage all week from those who pointed out that the proposed laws went much further than humanly necessary as a piracy deterrent, instead paving the way for big dinosaur content providers to quash creative competition from web-content creators. (Full disclosure: Your Speculatroners are decidedly against SOPA/PIPA.)As websites like Reddit and Wikipedia went on strike over these bills, Johnson's campaign site went dark, save for a short message:
The article below from the LA Times is just one of many today reporting that we - millions of Americans who see the Internet as a last bastion of freedom - are maybe, just maybe, getting Congress attention about two very bad ideas: SOPA and PIPA.Kudos to Wikipedia and the thousands of other sites who took action to let people know of these threats to Internet freedom, the flow of information, and the free market. As I have said, there are NO problems with the Internet that we want the government to try to fix!This evening, as millions of parents find themselves answering their kids' homework questions without the help of Wikipedia or any number of other sites that have changed the world, I hope everyone will visit Wikipedia, Google.com, or other sites to sign petitions or otherwise let Congress know that we want the government to keep its hands off the Internet.
While it's still too early to offer reliable assessments of how Johnson's Libertarian bid might effect the presidential election as a whole, that doesn't stop anyone from trying to do so. A big factor will be whether or not Paul's supporters will come to Johnson if Paul neither secures the nomination nor launches a third party bid of his own (as your Speculatron has contended in the past, neither of these outcomes seem likely). For his part, Johnson says that he's not trying, necessarily, to lay claim to any part of the movement Paul has built: "We talk about the same things...but the way I see it, I'm not going after the Paul vote. I'm going after the Libertarian vote."
Rick Perry(05 of06)
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History doesn't favor the efforts of candidates who jump into a nomination contest at the last minute, a fact Fred Thompson can attest to during the downtime he has attesting to the value of reverse mortgages. So when Rick Perry decided to take the plunge, the weekend of the Ames Straw Poll, he did so with a mix of expectations -- he was touted as the sort of candidate who could knit up all of the various conservative factions under one banner, but there was some general doubt that he could make up for all the lost time.Nevertheless, Perry plotted his rollout and managed it well. He announced in South Carolina, stealing some of the spotlight from the other 2012ers fighting for a Straw Poll win. And then, in an effort to mitigate some of the bruised feelings that arose from that spotlight-stealing, he sped to the Hawkeye State for a GOP event and proceeded to charm the pants off of the attendees while the Ames Straw Poll winner, Michele Bachmann, sulked in her bus.So, the first 48 hours of the Perry campaign were managed to perfection. Unfortunately, there were many, many hundreds of hours to come, and it was in that period of time that the entire Rick Perry campaign went to complete shit.See, according to the rules of engagement, the Texas governor was required to spend a certain amount of time on national television saying things. And it was in that venue that Perry truly did the opposite of excelling. At times, he seems lost and asleep at the lectern. At other times, his policy proposals tended to blur as he failed to provide a contrast between himself and his rivals. And then, there were those more celebrated occasions where he forgot how to think, form sentences or count. And those occasions were legion. There have been numerous occasions where we have had the opportunity to say of a speaker that "words failed him." It would be unfair to say the same of Perry. Words were fine. Words didn't do a damn thing wrong. Perry, literally, failed words.It didn't take long for Perry's numbers to start plummeting amid mental fugues and the constant din of rumors that suggested his campaign was being badly mismanaged. Everyone who suggested that he'd be the ideal conservative standard-bearer slowly backed away. The money-lenders started to wonder if they'd backed the wrong horse. Pitiful results in Iowa followed, so much so that no one thought it was smart for him to continue. Perry reassessed, thought otherwise, kept debating, and drew scant support in New Hampshire. Finally, he flamed out in South Carolina, and despite promising to persist even if he finished last, dropped out.There's not much else to say about this. With Perry's departure, we lose the most reliable gaffe assembly line in the race. And that assembly line has produced a bevy of laughs. To his credit, Perry took the abuse with splendid, self-deprecating charm. He owned it. He didn't whine or make a bunch of excuses. But it all stopped being "ha-ha" funny and started being "Oh no, WTF" when he stood on stage and nearly touched off an international incident with Turkey. He's tossed his support to Gingrich now, in what may be the only important contribution he's made to the 2012 race.Perry has not ruled out a future run for president, which is strange, because...come on. But for the time being, we bid farewell to the governor of Texas with his most famous saying: Adios, mofo.
Barack Obama(06 of06)
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The biggest way President Barack Obama was injected into the newscycle this week didn't come from anything that Obama said or did himself. Rather, it came from Newsweek magazine, which decided to essentially troll the entire political blogosphere with an essay from Andrew Sullivan billed on the cover with the headline: "Why Are Obama's Critics So Dumb?" Kind of hard to resist responding to that, I'd imagine, so bring on the pageviews!Sullivan's essay was only slightly subtler than the magazine cover suggested. In it, he argued that everyone was missing Obama's "long game," and that his critics on both the right and the left were all being fairly daft in their criticism of his administration. A representative taste:
The right's core case is that Obama has governed as a radical leftist attempting a "fundamental transformation" of the American way of life. Mitt Romney accuses the president of making the recession worse, of wanting to turn America into a European welfare state, of not believing in opportunity or free enterprise, of having no understanding of the real economy, and of apologizing for America and appeasing our enemies. According to Romney, Obama is a mortal threat to "the soul" of America and an empty suit who couldn't run a business, let alone a country.Leave aside the internal incoherence -- how could such an incompetent be a threat to anyone? None of this is even faintly connected to reality -- and the record proves it. On the economy, the facts are these. When Obama took office, the United States was losing around 750,000 jobs a month. The last quarter of 2008 saw an annualized drop in growth approaching 9 percent. This was the most serious downturn since the 1930s, there was a real chance of a systemic collapse of the entire global financial system, and unemployment and debt -- lagging indicators -- were about to soar even further. No fair person can blame Obama for the wreckage of the next 12 months, as the financial crisis cut a swath through employment.
Meanwhile, on the other side of the aisle:
What liberals have never understood about Obama is that he practices a show-don't-tell, long-game form of domestic politics. What matters to him is what he can get done, not what he can immediately take credit for. And so I railed against him for the better part of two years for dragging his feet on gay issues. But what he was doing was getting his Republican defense secretary and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs to move before he did. The man who made the case for repeal of "don't ask, don't tell" was, in the end, Adm. Mike Mullen. This took time -- as did his painstaking change in the rule barring HIV-positive immigrants and tourists -- but the slow and deliberate and unprovocative manner in which it was accomplished made the changes more durable. Not for the first time, I realized that to understand Obama, you have to take the long view. Because he does.
Naturally, not everyone found this argument convincing. Kevin Drum suggested that Sullivan's "long game" case was somewhat overstated, and that he was attributing weird strategic significance to decisions that Obama made that were obviously in response to the politics of the immediate moment. Conor Friedersdorf wondered why Sullivan concentrated his efforts in contending with Obama's dumbest critics, instead of the more intelligent ones, and he suggested that Sullivan was letting his fandom run away with him a little bit:
No, Obama isn't a radical Kenyan anti-colonialist. But he is a lawbreaker and an advocate of radical executive power. What precedent could be more radical than insisting that the executive is empowered to draw up a kill list of American citizens in secret, without telling anyone what names are on it, or the legal justification for it, or even that it exists? What if Newt Gingrich inherits that power? He may yet. Over the years, Sullivan has confronted, as few others have, American transgressions abroad, including torture, detainee abuse, and various imperial ambitions. He's long drawn attention to civil-liberties violations at home too, as a solo blogger and as lead editor and writer of a blogazine. When I worked for Sullivan, he not only published but actively encouraged items I found that highlighted civil-liberties abuses by the Obama Administration, and since I parted ways with The Daily Dish, he and the Dish team have continued to air critiques of Obama on these questions. But his Newsweek essay fits the pattern I've lamented of Obama apologists who tell a narrative of his administration that ignores some of these issues and minimizes the importance of others, as if they're a relatively unimportant matter to be set aside in a sentence or three before proceeding to the more important business of whether the president is being critiqued fairly by obtuse partisans.
While all of this was going on, the Obama administration was finally putting the kibosh (temporarily, again) on the Keystone XL pipeline. In the immediate sense, this can be viewed as a brave decision politically -- it's going to anger Republicans and unions -- while giving a lift to environmentalists, who are grateful to see this matter merely kicked down the road. Of course, if the GOP succeeds at getting their bogus "this would have created 20,000 jobs" narrative planted (the actual estimate is that KeystoneXL would create 6,500 jobs -- which is still nothing to sneeze at) in the media, it could be used as a campaign brickbat.The goodwill might evaporate, however, when Obama releases his next budget proposal, which liberal lawmakers are already being warned is something they will not like. (Obama's job council, significantly, is urging more domestic drilling in a move that would allow Obama to fend off some of the election-year criticism he's expecting to take from the GOP. It also could explain why Keystone XL was back-burnered.Nonetheless, the campaign season has officially begun for Team Obama Re-Elect, with the opening act coming in the form of a Twitter fight between David Axelrod and Romney spox Eric Fehrnstrom. It leaves one to wonder: If you'd told George Washington that American politics would one day become something battled out over Twitter, do you think he would have continued to fight the British?The Obama campaign is also already buying up ad time, battling the Koch Brothers, and planning a post-State of the Union swing state tour. In other words, campaign mode is fully engaged.And Obama will start off with a five-point lead over Romney, which maybe explains why he's feeling like he can do things like celebrate the birthdays of Zooey Deschanel and Betty White without being thought of as distracted. It certainly suggests that Obama's feeling some measure of confidence.Mind that it doesn't turn into overconfidence, however! There's something a little off about a decision to stage the final day of the Democratic National Convention, at a time where the rack and ruin of the Wall Street collapse remains evident everywhere, at a place called "Bank of America stadium." And whoever thought it would be a good idea for Obama to do a photo-op in front of Disney's Magic Kingdom -- and this may have been Obama himself! -- is without a doubt this week's "Dumbest Mofeaux In American Politics," no matter what Andrew Sullivan tells you.

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